Minhaj Merchant’s column: Excessive expenditure in elections promotes corruption


Contesting elections is an expensive task. There are two main requirements for parties to contest Lok Sabha or Assembly elections in India. First, to raise funds on a large scale for the election campaign of your candidate. Second, to increase its seats by getting opposition candidates in its favor. According to the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), five national and 21 regional political parties had officially received a total of Rs 7,445 crore from donors during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. This is a legitimate part of election funding. The controversial electoral bond scheme allowing business companies and individuals to donate to parties was struck down by the Supreme Court in February 2024. But most of the parties have developed ways to find alternatives. The balance of over Rs 630 crore in the bank account of the internally divided Trinamool Congress even after the West Bengal Assembly elections shows that there is a massive flow of money, both legal and illegal, during the electoral process. The official expenditure of Rs 7,445 crore in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections is only a small part of the actual election expenditure. The Center for Media Studies (CMS) has estimated the total cost of the elections at Rs 1.35 lakh crore. Was staying. This is 900% more than the Rs 15,000 crore spent in the 2004 Lok Sabha elections. This is Rs 1.2 lakh crore spent on the 2020 US presidential election. is more than the expenditure of Rs. The Election Commission has set a limit on the expenditure of the candidates. Each MP can legally spend a maximum of Rs 95 lakh, while for MLAs the limit is between Rs 28 lakh and Rs 40 lakh. But there is no limit on the election expenditure of parties. Based on these estimates, illegal funding in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections is much more than Rs 1 lakh crore. This money came from companies, real estate developers and other sources. They also expect future benefits from the parties to which they give money. This trend is not limited to India only. For example, in the US, regulated public affairs committees (PACs) invest large amounts of money in the election campaigns of candidates for the Senate and House of Representatives. Influential funding groups like the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) can make or break a candidate’s electoral prospects. AIPAC has been providing financial support to leaders like former US President Joe Biden and Senator Lindsey Graham for decades. The only difference is transparency. However, even in the American system, illicit money from cartels and special interest groups reaches candidates in the form of cash. The proportion of cash funding in elections in India is much higher and this leads to widespread corruption. Although corruption at the central level has reduced compared to the phone-banking era of the UPA, corruption at the state and municipal levels has increased. The government is not unaware of it, but cannot do much about it. Election funding is required at every level. Getting opposition leaders on one’s side to gain majority in the Legislative Assemblies and Municipal Corporations comes at a heavy cost. But this is increasing dissatisfaction among two major sections of voters. First, the middle class taxpayers and businessmen, who feel that they have not been given the justice they expected. Second, Gen-Z youth, who believe that the government has done little to create jobs. Both these classes are more vocal mainly on social media and online mediums. Most Indians are unaffected by this growing discontent. But the government cannot take them lightly. The incident of theft of donation box of Ram temple is a warning. Bharatiya Janata Party had reached power on the issue of Ram Temple. If the stain of corruption appears to reach the house of God, then the foundation of the BJP’s fort may weaken. Prime Minister Modi has faced many crises before too – Covid, tariff, war etc. But corruption is like a many-headed monster. The biggest challenge before Modi is to gain control over it before the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. (These are the author’s own views)

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